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Following a miscarriage many women report feeling guilty and culpable for what has happened particularly when aspects of societal blame and stigma are involved. This research investigated the impact of cultural context on the experience of miscarriage. In particular, it focused on how elements of stigma and blame are linked to notions of miscarriage etiology and risk among Qatari women.
Two main themes emerged from the material looking specifically at miscarriage aftermaths: rhetorics of blame, self-blame and feelings of guilt; and miscarriage attitudes. Overall society is sympathetic and miscarriage is seen as normal and not particularly worrying, but understood to be upsetting to women. However, findings suggest there is some ambivalence around blame, culpability and stigma applied to miscarriage; some participants perceived miscarriage as a relatively normal and common event, whereas, others felt that miscarriage is resounding stigma and shame.
Miscarriage aftermaths are embedded in social, cultural and religious frameworks in relation to notions of risk and causation. Attention should be paid to ensure women and those around them are given appropriate and robust information about miscarriage causation to deflect discourses of blame that may be employed and reduce harm to women who suffer miscarriage.
Rhetorics of blame are activated when women lose their pregnancies . When women do not fulfill their socially expected role of motherhood, they are likely to be blamed. Participants spoke about an indirect sense of blame by others. There are also voices where women felt responsible for their miscarriage and have felt guilty and ashamed as a consequence.
Yes, in my first miscarriage, everybody blamed me. They were sure that I did something wrong. I told them that the doctor said it was not my fault but nobody believed me. They insisted that I had lifted something heavy or did something that caused the miscarriage
Similar to previous research findings, blame was found to be particularly activated in the absence of certainty of cause [13, 44]. Uncertainty about causality creates opportunities for accusations or feelings of culpability . When women blame themselves they rightfully hold on to their belief that they should have acted differently. This subscribes to notions of moral responsibility and indicates that acting for the wrong reasons held women culpable and morally responsible for the negative outcome. The same topic was disclosed in van der Sijpt work  were women blamed their lifestyle habits and attributed their miscarriages to another course of events such as illnesses and accidents.
Another factor that plays a role in feelings of guilt and shame is recognizing biological causes of miscarriage such as diabetes. Diabetes is highly prevalent in Qatar (16.7% in adult Qatari population)  and was widely cited by women in the discourse of miscarriage causation in Qatar . Our findings revealed that those who suggested that they did not follow recommended behaviours to protect the pregnancy expressed self-blame. Both guilt and shame are self-conscious emotions involving self-blame  and are associated with feelings of tension, remorse, worthlessness, and powerlessness .
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Commissions of inquiry play an important role in the aftermath of crisis, by serving as instruments of accountability and policy learning. Yet crises also involve a high-stake game of political survival, in which accountability and learning pose a serious threat to incumbent politicians. The political decision of whether to appoint a commission of inquiry after crisis thus provides a unique prism for studying the intense conflict between politics, accountability, and policy learning. Using data from the UK, this study develops and tests a choice model for this political decision. The results show that the political decision to appoint inquiries into public crises is strongly influenced by short term blame avoidance considerations, media salience, and government popularity. 350c69d7ab